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President Donald Trump stated that the US would step in to bring an end to the internal strife within Sudan. This pledge arose at the prompting of Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince, Mohammed bin Salman. The Sudanese dispute — characterized by significant breaches of basic human rights by both warring factions — has lately experienced a pivotal development. The Rapid Support Forces (RSF) seized control of El Fasher, essentially bisecting the nation between the paramilitary organization and the Sudanese Armed Forces.
Central to this fierce contention is the dynamic between two figures: the commander of the Sudanese Army, General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, and the leader of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), Muhammad Hamdan Dagano Musa, who is also known as Hemedti.
To gain a deeper insight into the situation, Today, Explained presenter Noel King engaged in discussion with Alex DeWaal, the executive director at the World Peace Foundation at Tufts. Dewaal has dedicated over four decades to the study of Sudan. He suggests that the two figureheads are an outgrowth of the recurring aggression that has engulfed the nation for many years. The following conversation has been abridged for conciseness and clarity.
The complete podcast contains much more information, so be sure to listen to Today, Explained on your preferred podcast platform, such as Apple Podcasts, Pandora, and Spotify.
What’s the situation in El Fasher?
Over the past several years, the residents of Al Fasha, representing diverse groups, initially aimed to preserve neutrality in the ongoing conflict. However, they found this position untenable. Consequently, they aligned themselves with the so-called government, thus becoming the last bastion in Darfur resisting the Rapid Support Forces, a particularly brutal paramilitary organization. Recently, just a matter of weeks ago, the RSF overpowered that military post.
The inhabitants of El Fasher had endured around 18 months of perpetual apprehension, as the RSF, upon seizing previous cities — notably El Geneina, located near the Chad border — perpetrated horrific atrocities against the local populace. The people of El Fasher had been subject to incessant bombardment, drone strikes, and targeted attacks on hospitals, clinics, and essential civilian infrastructure. Subsequently, upon the arrival of the troops or paramilitary forces, they conducted house-to-house searches, forcibly removing individuals, executing men in the streets, and committing sexual assault against women and girls in the presence of their families.
Perhaps equally disturbing as the offenses themselves is the practice of the perpetrators documenting their actions. They record videos of themselves, displaying their sadistic pleasure and delight as they torture and victimize their targets before ending their lives. These videos are far too graphic to be viewed.
This war has two opposing sides, each led by a general. Let’s begin with Sudan’s official army, the SAF. Who is the leading general of that military force?
General Abdul Burhan is a typical, long-serving army official. Much like many other regular officers, his record is somewhat checkered. About two decades ago, he was a participant in the grievous war in Darfur. Later, he commanded a unit of Sudanese soldiers deployed to Yemen, with funding provided by Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. He also benefits from a number of corrupt capitalist ventures that generate income.
However, his coalition, which is quite divided, contains some extremely heartless individuals, including an Islamist brigade. He relies on these individuals because they possess financial resources. Moreover, they furnish some of the most skilled troops, and they are characterized by intense resentment and a desire for payback. Even when General Burhan has signaled his willingness to engage in peace negotiations, the Islamists within his coalition consistently reject the idea.
What are General Burhan’s aims?
He presents himself as the leader of Sudan’s government, in spite of not having authority over the capital. The United Nations, rather unwisely in my estimation, formally recognized him, and he essentially seeks to reinstate the old order, which undoubtedly represents an improvement over the present circumstances.
However, it was that very old order that triggered the civilian rebellion seven years prior.
How has General Burhan, together with his forces, conducted themselves during this war?
Without question, his forces have perpetrated violations of international law. They have attempted to obstruct international aid to areas controlled by insurgents. They have impeded the UN. Some of this stems from insufficient discipline, while other actions are motivated by local commanders seeking vengeance.
The Rapid Support Force (RSF), a paramilitary organization, is the other faction involved in this conflict. Who is the general in command?
His designation is [Muhammad] Hamdan Dagalo [Musa]. He is commonly referred to as Hemedti. My first encounter with him occurred two decades prior when I perused a report originating from African Union monitors. During that period, a peacekeeping presence was stationed in Darfur, where a notorious militia known as the Janjaweed had been conducting widespread acts of genocide. They obliterated a village named Adwa in the core of Darfur — resulting in 128 fatalities, 38 of whom were children. Upon the arrival of these African Union observers, Hemedti was present and openly acknowledged their culpability. He even stated that they had been planning this act for an extended duration.
Consequently, he rose to prominence as one of the most ruthless and proficient commanders. Additionally, he is known to be a charismatic figure. As is common among many killers, their appearance is not outwardly monstrous. Over the ensuing years, he evolved into a highly competent commander serving the government, while also establishing himself as a businessman. He assumed control of gold mines, amassing considerable wealth.
He constitutes a distinct entity; he embodies more of a mercenary commercial operative. His aspiration does not involve rebuilding the state to its prior form. Essentially, he desires control and dominance to be vested in him and his family, thereby administering the nation as if it were a familial enterprise, complete with his personal private army and his own affiliated companies.
How have Hemedti and his forces behaved during this war?
Hemedti asserts his commitment to democracy and presents himself as the defender of the impoverished and marginalized, as well as all who stand against the Islamists. Such declarations lack credibility. The actions of his forces throughout the conflict have been utterly deplorable. In the war’s initial stages, they plundered and looted the capital city of Khartoum, terrorizing countless inhabitants, looting, and engaging in widespread sexual violence throughout entire residential sectors.
Subsequently, in Darfur, they perpetrated what is undeniably a campaign of genocide within the city of El Fasher. This objective had long been pursued by certain groups affiliated with Hemedti and his forces.
You’ve resided in and reported on Sudan intermittently for a period of 40 years. These individuals have been molded by prolonged exposure to conflict. Is Sudan’s future destined to comprise successive generations of individuals shaped by armed conflicts?
Upon my inaugural journey to Darfur four decades ago, one of my earliest hosts was an elderly sheikh hailing from a nomadic Arab tribe. He conveyed to me: “We face dire poverty and deprivation. We’ve lost our camels. The desert is expanding. Our way of life is nearing its end.” He then remarked that the famine signifies not merely the starvation of our people but, more significantly, the demise of our cultural heritage.
His son, of comparable age to myself, subsequently became the commander of the Janjaweed two decades later, an infamous fighting force. Later, that same individual, Musa Hilal, the Janjaweed’s chief, was supplanted by his second-in-command, Hemedti, who rationalized that this man lacked the requisite degree of ruthlessness. Over these four decades, one can discern how the stresses stemming from the traumas of hunger and conflict have evolved into the relentless political milieu we presently observe.
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Source: vox.com
