According to MSNBC, Tom Homan, the White House’s point person on border security, supposedly took $50,000 in funds from clandestine FBI operatives acting as business leaders during an operation last year. The payment occurred after Homan suggested he could aid the operatives in obtaining governmental agreements in a subsequent Trump presidential term.
Expressed simply, this illustrates bribery: officials pledging services in return for monetary gain. Homan was not an officeholder at the time of the operation, although he mentioned during the 2024 election he would likely be involved in a second Trump presidential tenure. The inquiry concerning Homan — initiated under the Biden administration and first reported by MSNBC the prior weekend — was recently ceased. FBI Director Kash Patel and Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche affirmed that prosecutors “uncovered no reliable proof of illicit activity.”
Presently, comprehensive particulars are unknown, and without a thorough examination or a legal proceeding, definitive guilt regarding Homan devising a scheme is indeterminable. Stating this warrants caution is an understatement.
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The Homan account elicits a query that has regularly arisen since President Donald Trump’s unexpected arrival at the White House: Do American voters genuinely prioritize governmental dishonesty? Trump has, to date, evaded consequences despite maintaining unprecedented conflicts, taking benefits from foreign governments, and transforming the presidency into a profit-making endeavor. He nonetheless secured a subsequent term last November, in spite of his background involving fraud and dishonesty.
Surveys consistently propose that the majority of Americans deem corruption a significant problem affecting Congress, the Executive Branch, and the Supreme Court. Evidence suggests scandals can adversely affect political figures. A recent illustration involves Eric Adams, the mayor of New York City, who was formally accused of corruption last year. The vast majority of New Yorkers think Adams ought to step down, and his campaign for reelection seems almost certainly ill-fated: Recent polls indicate only single-digit support.
Why does no degree of corruption within the Trump administration — irrespective of blatancy or rank, encompassing Homan, Trump’s Cabinet, the first family, and the president himself — seemingly take hold?
Trump dismantled a vital safeguard against corruption
Much discussion has occurred since Trump’s initial term pertaining to his challenges against establishments and obvious disregard for principles and regulations that safeguard American democracy. One of the foremost protections Trump swiftly dismantled encompasses the efficiency of public disgrace rather than institutions or regulations.
Public disgrace serves as a potent instrument for citizens protesting against their government. It cultivates circumstances where the disgraced individual forfeits legitimacy and impels organizations or authority figures to respond. The possibility of facing public shame likely discourages political figures from taking shortcuts or engaging in minor corruption, primarily out of fear of detection rather than morals. Ultimately, public humiliation aided in compelling many politicians to leave office in disgrace, encompassing President Richard Nixon and former New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo.
Trump realized that disregarding disgrace eventually causes people to relent and proceed onward. His apparent incapacity to experience disgrace permitted him to persist through scandals, exemplified by the Access Hollywood recording, which would have readily terminated other politicians’ careers. He also maintained a considerable array of conflicts without being accountable to anyone. Throughout his period in politics, Trump exhibited minimal regret for his actions, while his approach of enduring scandals, frequently without apologizing, demonstrated remarkable effectiveness.
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Fellow politicians have perceived this. Cuomo, who departed amid accusations of sexual misbehavior in 2021, sought a comeback by contending for mayor of New York City. Shame still functions, however. Cuomo could not evade his background when his contenders reminded voters about the reasons for his resignation, eventually resulting in his failure to succeed in the Democratic primary this year. Polls indicate he is poised to lose the general election in November. When Trump is under consideration, Americans have not identified a scandal substantial enough to publicly shame him into political insignificance.
Trump’s attack on public shaming has made voters feel powerless
Trump and his administration often evade accountability for probable corruption as voters value honest administration, as Eric Adams’s decline reveals, for two principal explanations. Trump’s primary supporters willingly overlook events due to their dedication to Trump’s broader political agenda. Certain supporters might disbelieve corruption allegations or remark about the corruption of Trump’s adversaries. American voters often consider the Democratic Party as more dishonest than the GOP.
President’s adversaries might emphasize administration corruption; Trump’s capacity to evade implications and disregard public shame tactics induces sentiments of disempowerment. He acquired a subsequent term despite being found responsible for sexual abuse and defamation, along with being found guilty of offenses such as falsifying business documents to conceal payments. Instances of prospective corruption might provoke voters’ anger; many Democratic voters feel resigned that Trump will probably escape accountability, similar to his activities since his initial campaign for president in 2016, rendering it improbable these incidents will evolve into prominent scandals.
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This prevailing feeling of indifference among the opposition might stem from Trump’s term restrictions; in contrast to his initial term, he cannot contend for reelection. Numerous individuals intend to outlast Trump’s subsequent term instead of actively opposing it, resembling behavior during his initial presidency. While they acknowledge temporary containment, they anticipate a future absence.
Corruption and misuse of authority would eventually promote resistance to Trump, especially as the midterms draw near in the upcoming year. Democrats anticipate regaining the House, potentially underlining how a Democratic majority in one Congressional chamber would inspect the president’s actions. Certain Democratic strategists encourage Democrats to support this concept, underscoring Trump’s “culture of corruption” as their midterm strategy, according to a memo obtained by the Bulwark earlier this month.
The choice to embrace this counsel is dependent on whether Democrats trust that Americans value Trump’s corruption. Based on current analysis, the prevailing response is negative. The situation may shift, particularly if an anti-corruption partnership locates the ideal spokesperson.
Source: vox.com
